RE: Jerry Fodor Article

From: Vincent Campbell (v.p.campbell@stir.ac.uk)
Date: Wed Mar 14 2001 - 10:46:35 GMT

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    From: Vincent Campbell <v.p.campbell@stir.ac.uk>
    To: "'memetics@mmu.ac.uk'" <memetics@mmu.ac.uk>
    Subject: RE: Jerry Fodor Article
    Date: Wed, 14 Mar 2001 10:46:35 -0000
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    Cheers Joe,

    Very interesting.

    Vincent

    > ----------
    > From: joedees@bellsouth.net
    > Reply To: memetics@mmu.ac.uk
    > Sent: Wednesday, March 14, 2001 3:41 am
    > To: memetics@mmu.ac.uk
    > Subject: Jerry Fodor Article
    >
    >
    > Article from Jerry Fodor:
    > >
    > > "It appears that recent technological developments in 'neural imaging'
    > > have made it possible to measure the amount of activity that's going
    > > on in a given brain region while a subject is engaged in some
    > > experimental task. And, though perhaps not mandatory, it's natural
    > > enough to infer from a reliable correlation between a mental process
    > > and a locus of neural activity that the latter is the site of the
    > > former. If there's a place in the brain where you find a whole lot of
    > > neurons going off when and only when whoever owns the brain is
    > > thinking about teapots, it's at least plausible, all else being equal,
    > > that you've found where in that brain its thinking about teapots
    > > happens. Likewise, if certain neurons fire at certain frequencies just
    > > when a guy is conscious, one might infer that that's where his
    > > consciousness hangs out. All the more so if the correlation holds
    > > across subjects.
    > >
    > > To be sure, the data aren't generally quite as clean as you might
    > > suppose from made-up examples, and the inferences they are said to
    > > suggest are by no means apodictic. But I won't dispute any of that. I
    > > admit, for the sake of the argument, that consciousness is correlated
    > > with certain neurons firing at 40 Hz cycles; and that some bits of the
    > > brain light up when we hear nouns but not when we hear verbs; and that
    > > there are (different) bits that light up when we see a thing, or form
    > > its mental image, but not when we hear a thing or describe it to
    > > ourselves. It appears there's even a place in the brain that turns on
    > > just when we hear a word that stands for a vegetable; 'lettuce'
    > > excites it but 'roast beef' doesn't. So be it.
    > >
    > > I want, to begin with, to distinguish between the question whether
    > > mental functions are neurally localised in the brain, and the question
    > > where they are neurally localised in the brain. Though I find it hard
    > > to care about the second, the first clearly connects with deep issues
    > > about how the mind works; ones that even us philosophers have heard
    > > of.
    > >
    > > For example: there has been, for centuries, a debate going on between
    > > people who think that each of the various kinds of mental process is
    > > more or less sui generis, and people who think that they are much of a
    > > likeness, all consisting of the same elements although differently
    > > arranged. With occasional anomalies, the argument between homogeneous
    > > minds and heterogeneous minds aligns with the argument between
    > > empiricists and rationalists; and, far from being settled, it keeps
    > > popping up in unexpected places. Do you think that a classical
    > > education disciplines the mind for whatever pursuits it later
    > > undertakes? If so, you should think that learning Latin gives rise to
    > > intellectual capacities that are more or less equally in play in
    > > devising a foreign policy, or designing a bridge, or making money on
    > > the market. Similarly, if you think there's such a thing as 'general'
    > > intelligence - what IQ tests are supposed to measure - then you should
    > > also think that designing bridges and designing foreign policies
    > > manifest much the same kind of cleverness, albeit applied to different
    > > tasks. People who are good at the one should then be, potentially,
    > > equally good at the other. So Veblen held, maybe naively, that society
    > > ought to be run by engineers; and Plato held, maybe even more naively,
    > > that it ought to be run by philosophers.
    > >
    > > Whereas, if you're on the rationalist side of this debate, you won't
    > > be surprised to find every sort of intellectual sophistication
    > > cohabiting with every sort of naivety, and will be disinclined to
    > > trust the obiter dicta of experts.
    > >
    > > I don't know who's right about all that, but it's easy to see that
    > > whether mental functions are neurally localised is likely to be
    > > relevant. If the brain does different tasks at different places, that
    > > rather suggests that it may do them in different ways. Whereas, if
    > > anything that the brain can do it can do just about anywhere, that
    > > rather suggests that different kinds of thinking may recruit quite
    > > similar neural mechanisms. So empiricists, since they typically hold
    > > that all mental processes reduce to patterns of associations, would
    > > like the brain to be 'equipotential', whereas rationalists, since they
    > > think that there might be as many different kinds of thinking as there
    > > are different kinds of thing to think about, generally would prefer
    > > the brain to be organised on geographical principles. Unsurprisingly,
    > > rationalists thought there might be something to phrenology, but
    > > empiricists made fun of it. (The empiricists won that battle, of
    > > course; but my guess is they will lose the war.)
    > >
    > > In any case, I quite see why anyone who cares how the mind works might
    > > reasonably care about the argument between empiricism and rationalism;
    > > and why anyone who cares about the argument between empiricism and
    > > rationalism might reasonably care whether different areas of the brain
    > > differ in the mental functions they perform. Likewise for anyone who
    > > cares about how much of the mind's structure is innate (whatever,
    > > exactly, that means). If you think a lot of it is, you presumably
    > > expect a lot of localisation of function, not just in the adult's
    > > brain but also in the infant's. Whereas, if you think a lot of mental
    > > structure comes from experience (whatever, exactly, that means), you
    > > probably expect the infant's brain to be mostly equipotential even if
    > > the adult's brain turns out not to be. Rationalists are generally
    > > nativists and preformationists; empiricists generally aren't either
    > > one or the other.
    > >
    > > But given that it matters to both sides whether, by and large, mental
    > > functions have characteristic places in the brain, why should it
    > > matter to either side where the places are? It's deeply interesting
    > > that there apparently are proprietary bits of the brain in charge of
    > > one or other aspect of one's linguistic capacities. And, no doubt, if
    > > you're a surgeon you may well wish to know which ones they are, since
    > > you will wish to avoid cutting them out. But whereas, historically,
    > > studies of the localisation of brain functions have often been
    > > clinically motivated, I take it to be currently the consensus that
    > > they have significant scientific import over and above their
    > > implications for medical practice. Very well, then: just what is the
    > > question about the mind-brain relation in general, or about language
    > > in particular, that turns on where the brain's linguistic capacities
    > > are? And if, as I suspect, none does, why are we spending so much time
    > > and money trying to find them?
    > >
    > > It isn't, after all, seriously in doubt that talking (or riding a
    > > bicycle, or building a bridge) depends on things that go on in the
    > > brain somewhere or other. If the mind happens in space at all, it
    > > happens somewhere north of the neck. What exactly turns on knowing how
    > > far north? It belongs to understanding how the engine in your auto
    > > works that the functioning of its carburettor is to aerate the petrol;
    > > that's part of the story about how the engine's parts contribute to
    > > its running right. But why (unless you're thinking of having it taken
    > > out) does it matter where in the engine the carburettor is? What part
    > > of how your engine works have you failed to understand if you don't
    > > know that?
    > >
    > > There's a funny didactic fable of Bernard Shaw's called, I think, The
    > > Little Black Girl in Search of God, in which the eponymous heroine
    > > wanders around what was then the intellectual landscape, looking for
    > > such wisdom as may be on offer. She runs into Pavlov, who explains to
    > > her why he is, rather horribly, drilling holes in the mouths of dogs:
    > > it's to show that expecting food makes them salivate. 'But we already
    > > knew that,' she says, in some perplexity. 'Now we know it
    > > scientifically,' Pavlov replies*. It may be that some such thought
    > > also motivates the current interest in brain localisation. Granted
    > > that we always sort of knew that there's a difference between nouns
    > > and verbs, or between thinking about teapots and taking a nap, we
    > > didn't really know it till somebody found them at different places in
    > > the brain. Now that somebody has, we know it scientifically.
    > >
    > > To put the same point the other way around: what if, as it turns out,
    > > nobody ever does find a brain region that's specific to thinking about
    > > teapots or to taking a nap? Would that seriously be a reason to doubt
    > > that there are such mental states? Or that they are mental states of
    > > different kinds? Or that the brain must be somehow essentially
    > > involved in both? As far as I can see, it's reasonable to hold that
    > > brain studies are methodologically privileged with respect to other
    > > ways of finding out about the mind only if you are likewise prepared
    > > to hold that facts about the brain are metaphysically privileged with
    > > respect to facts about the mind; and you can hold that only if you
    > > think the brain and the mind are essentially different kinds of thing.
    > > But I had supposed that dualistic metaphysics was now out of fashion,
    > > in the brain science community most of all. Brain scientists are
    > > supposed to be materialists, and materialists are supposed not to
    > > doubt that distinct mental states have ipso facto got different neural
    > > counterparts. That being so, why does it matter where in the brain
    > > their different counterparts are?
    > >
    > > To be sure, serendipity is full of surprises and there's always the
    > > chance that something might turn up. It might turn out, for example,
    > > that the neural loci of similar kinds of mental process are pretty
    > > reliably spatially propinquitous (as, indeed, the phrenologists
    > > generally supposed). If that were so, then good brain maps might
    > > usefully constrain our hypotheses about psychological taxonomy: if
    > > thinking of teapots happened to be side by side in the brain with
    > > taking naps, maybe we would then revise our intuition that the two
    > > really haven't much in common. But the issue is academic in the
    > > invidious sense since in fact there's no good reason to think that
    > > similarity of psychological functions generally predicts similarity of
    > > brain locations or vice versa. And serendipity is a frail reed; if the
    > > best you can say for your research strategy is 'you can never tell, it
    > > might pan out,' you probably ought to have your research strategy
    > > looked at.
    > >
    > > I once gave a (perfectly awful) cognitive science lecture at a major
    > > centre for brain imaging research. The main project there, as best I
    > > could tell, was to provide subjects with some or other experimental
    > > tasks to do and take pictures of their brains while they did them. The
    > > lecture was followed by the usual mildly boozy dinner, over which
    > > professional inhibitions relaxed a bit. I kept asking, as politely as
    > > I could manage, how the neuroscientists decided which experimental
    > > tasks it would be interesting to make brain maps for. I kept getting
    > > the impression that they didn't much care. Their idea was apparently
    > > that experimental data are, ipso facto, a good thing; and that
    > > experimental data about when and where the brain lights up are, ipso
    > > facto, a better thing than most. I guess I must have been unsubtle in
    > > pressing my question because, at a pause in the conversation, one of
    > > my hosts rounded on me. 'You think we're wasting our time, don't you?'
    > > he asked. I admit, I didn't know quite what to say. I've been
    > > wondering about it ever since. "
    > >
    > > * Not unlike this gem from Chomsky "In fact, it is now known that if
    > > you prevent visual evidence from reaching the visual system at an
    > > early period of life this system actually degenerates." Well, gosh.
    > > Who'd have thought it?
    >
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    ===============================================================
    This was distributed via the memetics list associated with the
    Journal of Memetics - Evolutionary Models of Information Transmission
    For information about the journal and the list (e.g. unsubscribing)
    see: http://www.cpm.mmu.ac.uk/jom-emit



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