Jerry Fodor Article

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    Article from Jerry Fodor:
    >
    > "It appears that recent technological developments in 'neural imaging'
    > have made it possible to measure the amount of activity that's going
    > on in a given brain region while a subject is engaged in some
    > experimental task. And, though perhaps not mandatory, it's natural
    > enough to infer from a reliable correlation between a mental process
    > and a locus of neural activity that the latter is the site of the
    > former. If there's a place in the brain where you find a whole lot of
    > neurons going off when and only when whoever owns the brain is
    > thinking about teapots, it's at least plausible, all else being equal,
    > that you've found where in that brain its thinking about teapots
    > happens. Likewise, if certain neurons fire at certain frequencies just
    > when a guy is conscious, one might infer that that's where his
    > consciousness hangs out. All the more so if the correlation holds
    > across subjects.
    >
    > To be sure, the data aren't generally quite as clean as you might
    > suppose from made-up examples, and the inferences they are said to
    > suggest are by no means apodictic. But I won't dispute any of that. I
    > admit, for the sake of the argument, that consciousness is correlated
    > with certain neurons firing at 40 Hz cycles; and that some bits of the
    > brain light up when we hear nouns but not when we hear verbs; and that
    > there are (different) bits that light up when we see a thing, or form
    > its mental image, but not when we hear a thing or describe it to
    > ourselves. It appears there's even a place in the brain that turns on
    > just when we hear a word that stands for a vegetable; 'lettuce'
    > excites it but 'roast beef' doesn't. So be it.
    >
    > I want, to begin with, to distinguish between the question whether
    > mental functions are neurally localised in the brain, and the question
    > where they are neurally localised in the brain. Though I find it hard
    > to care about the second, the first clearly connects with deep issues
    > about how the mind works; ones that even us philosophers have heard
    > of.
    >
    > For example: there has been, for centuries, a debate going on between
    > people who think that each of the various kinds of mental process is
    > more or less sui generis, and people who think that they are much of a
    > likeness, all consisting of the same elements although differently
    > arranged. With occasional anomalies, the argument between homogeneous
    > minds and heterogeneous minds aligns with the argument between
    > empiricists and rationalists; and, far from being settled, it keeps
    > popping up in unexpected places. Do you think that a classical
    > education disciplines the mind for whatever pursuits it later
    > undertakes? If so, you should think that learning Latin gives rise to
    > intellectual capacities that are more or less equally in play in
    > devising a foreign policy, or designing a bridge, or making money on
    > the market. Similarly, if you think there's such a thing as 'general'
    > intelligence - what IQ tests are supposed to measure - then you should
    > also think that designing bridges and designing foreign policies
    > manifest much the same kind of cleverness, albeit applied to different
    > tasks. People who are good at the one should then be, potentially,
    > equally good at the other. So Veblen held, maybe naively, that society
    > ought to be run by engineers; and Plato held, maybe even more naively,
    > that it ought to be run by philosophers.
    >
    > Whereas, if you're on the rationalist side of this debate, you won't
    > be surprised to find every sort of intellectual sophistication
    > cohabiting with every sort of naivety, and will be disinclined to
    > trust the obiter dicta of experts.
    >
    > I don't know who's right about all that, but it's easy to see that
    > whether mental functions are neurally localised is likely to be
    > relevant. If the brain does different tasks at different places, that
    > rather suggests that it may do them in different ways. Whereas, if
    > anything that the brain can do it can do just about anywhere, that
    > rather suggests that different kinds of thinking may recruit quite
    > similar neural mechanisms. So empiricists, since they typically hold
    > that all mental processes reduce to patterns of associations, would
    > like the brain to be 'equipotential', whereas rationalists, since they
    > think that there might be as many different kinds of thinking as there
    > are different kinds of thing to think about, generally would prefer
    > the brain to be organised on geographical principles. Unsurprisingly,
    > rationalists thought there might be something to phrenology, but
    > empiricists made fun of it. (The empiricists won that battle, of
    > course; but my guess is they will lose the war.)
    >
    > In any case, I quite see why anyone who cares how the mind works might
    > reasonably care about the argument between empiricism and rationalism;
    > and why anyone who cares about the argument between empiricism and
    > rationalism might reasonably care whether different areas of the brain
    > differ in the mental functions they perform. Likewise for anyone who
    > cares about how much of the mind's structure is innate (whatever,
    > exactly, that means). If you think a lot of it is, you presumably
    > expect a lot of localisation of function, not just in the adult's
    > brain but also in the infant's. Whereas, if you think a lot of mental
    > structure comes from experience (whatever, exactly, that means), you
    > probably expect the infant's brain to be mostly equipotential even if
    > the adult's brain turns out not to be. Rationalists are generally
    > nativists and preformationists; empiricists generally aren't either
    > one or the other.
    >
    > But given that it matters to both sides whether, by and large, mental
    > functions have characteristic places in the brain, why should it
    > matter to either side where the places are? It's deeply interesting
    > that there apparently are proprietary bits of the brain in charge of
    > one or other aspect of one's linguistic capacities. And, no doubt, if
    > you're a surgeon you may well wish to know which ones they are, since
    > you will wish to avoid cutting them out. But whereas, historically,
    > studies of the localisation of brain functions have often been
    > clinically motivated, I take it to be currently the consensus that
    > they have significant scientific import over and above their
    > implications for medical practice. Very well, then: just what is the
    > question about the mind-brain relation in general, or about language
    > in particular, that turns on where the brain's linguistic capacities
    > are? And if, as I suspect, none does, why are we spending so much time
    > and money trying to find them?
    >
    > It isn't, after all, seriously in doubt that talking (or riding a
    > bicycle, or building a bridge) depends on things that go on in the
    > brain somewhere or other. If the mind happens in space at all, it
    > happens somewhere north of the neck. What exactly turns on knowing how
    > far north? It belongs to understanding how the engine in your auto
    > works that the functioning of its carburettor is to aerate the petrol;
    > that's part of the story about how the engine's parts contribute to
    > its running right. But why (unless you're thinking of having it taken
    > out) does it matter where in the engine the carburettor is? What part
    > of how your engine works have you failed to understand if you don't
    > know that?
    >
    > There's a funny didactic fable of Bernard Shaw's called, I think, The
    > Little Black Girl in Search of God, in which the eponymous heroine
    > wanders around what was then the intellectual landscape, looking for
    > such wisdom as may be on offer. She runs into Pavlov, who explains to
    > her why he is, rather horribly, drilling holes in the mouths of dogs:
    > it's to show that expecting food makes them salivate. 'But we already
    > knew that,' she says, in some perplexity. 'Now we know it
    > scientifically,' Pavlov replies*. It may be that some such thought
    > also motivates the current interest in brain localisation. Granted
    > that we always sort of knew that there's a difference between nouns
    > and verbs, or between thinking about teapots and taking a nap, we
    > didn't really know it till somebody found them at different places in
    > the brain. Now that somebody has, we know it scientifically.
    >
    > To put the same point the other way around: what if, as it turns out,
    > nobody ever does find a brain region that's specific to thinking about
    > teapots or to taking a nap? Would that seriously be a reason to doubt
    > that there are such mental states? Or that they are mental states of
    > different kinds? Or that the brain must be somehow essentially
    > involved in both? As far as I can see, it's reasonable to hold that
    > brain studies are methodologically privileged with respect to other
    > ways of finding out about the mind only if you are likewise prepared
    > to hold that facts about the brain are metaphysically privileged with
    > respect to facts about the mind; and you can hold that only if you
    > think the brain and the mind are essentially different kinds of thing.
    > But I had supposed that dualistic metaphysics was now out of fashion,
    > in the brain science community most of all. Brain scientists are
    > supposed to be materialists, and materialists are supposed not to
    > doubt that distinct mental states have ipso facto got different neural
    > counterparts. That being so, why does it matter where in the brain
    > their different counterparts are?
    >
    > To be sure, serendipity is full of surprises and there's always the
    > chance that something might turn up. It might turn out, for example,
    > that the neural loci of similar kinds of mental process are pretty
    > reliably spatially propinquitous (as, indeed, the phrenologists
    > generally supposed). If that were so, then good brain maps might
    > usefully constrain our hypotheses about psychological taxonomy: if
    > thinking of teapots happened to be side by side in the brain with
    > taking naps, maybe we would then revise our intuition that the two
    > really haven't much in common. But the issue is academic in the
    > invidious sense since in fact there's no good reason to think that
    > similarity of psychological functions generally predicts similarity of
    > brain locations or vice versa. And serendipity is a frail reed; if the
    > best you can say for your research strategy is 'you can never tell, it
    > might pan out,' you probably ought to have your research strategy
    > looked at.
    >
    > I once gave a (perfectly awful) cognitive science lecture at a major
    > centre for brain imaging research. The main project there, as best I
    > could tell, was to provide subjects with some or other experimental
    > tasks to do and take pictures of their brains while they did them. The
    > lecture was followed by the usual mildly boozy dinner, over which
    > professional inhibitions relaxed a bit. I kept asking, as politely as
    > I could manage, how the neuroscientists decided which experimental
    > tasks it would be interesting to make brain maps for. I kept getting
    > the impression that they didn't much care. Their idea was apparently
    > that experimental data are, ipso facto, a good thing; and that
    > experimental data about when and where the brain lights up are, ipso
    > facto, a better thing than most. I guess I must have been unsubtle in
    > pressing my question because, at a pause in the conversation, one of
    > my hosts rounded on me. 'You think we're wasting our time, don't you?'
    > he asked. I admit, I didn't know quite what to say. I've been
    > wondering about it ever since. "
    >
    > * Not unlike this gem from Chomsky "In fact, it is now known that if
    > you prevent visual evidence from reaching the visual system at an
    > early period of life this system actually degenerates." Well, gosh.
    > Who'd have thought it?

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