Re: South American Water-Boiling

From: joedees@bellsouth.net
Date: Thu Feb 15 2001 - 02:11:53 GMT

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    Subject: Re: South American Water-Boiling
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    On 14 Feb 2001, at 16:19, Tim Rhodes wrote:

    > Joe Dees wrote:
    >
    > <<<Where can I find the article concerning some South American tribal
    > peoples' reluctance to boil their water even though it helps them to
    > avoid disease?>>>
    >
    > Chapter 1 of Rogers, Everett M. and Shoemaker, F.F. (1995) Diffusion
    > of Innovations. A Cross-cultural Approach. 4th ed. Free Press: New
    > York.
    >
    > (Quoted below)
    >
    > -Tim Rhodes
    >
    > ====================
    > Water Boiling in a Peruvian Village:
    > Diffusion That Failed
    >
    > The public health service in Peru attempts to introduce innovations to
    > villagers to improve their health and lengthen their lives. This
    > change agency encourages people to install latrines, to burn garbage
    > daily, to control house flies, to report cases infectious diseases,
    > and to boil drinking water. These innovations involve major changes
    > in thinking and behavior for Peruvian villagers, who do not understand
    > the relationship of sanitation to illness. Water boiling is an
    > especially important health practice for villagers in Peru. Unless
    > they boil their drinking water, patients who are cured of infectious
    > diseases in village medical clinics often return within a month to be
    > treated again for the same disease.
    >
    > A two-year water boiling campaign conducted in Los Molinas, a peasant
    > village of 200 families in the coastal region of Peru, persuaded only
    > eleven housewives to boil water. From the viewpoint of the public
    > health agency, the local health worker, Nelida, had a simple task: to
    > persuade the housewives of Los Molinas to add water boiling to their
    > pattern of daily behavior. Even with the aid of a medical doctor, who
    > gave public talks on water boiling, and fifteen village housewives who
    > were already boiling water before the campaign, Nelida's diffusion
    > campaign failed. To understand why, we need to take a closer look at
    > the culture, the local environment, and the individuals in Los
    > Molinas.
    >
    > Most residents of Los Molinas are peasants who work as field hands on
    > local plantations. Water is carried by can, pail, gourd, or cask.
    > The three sources of water in Los Molinas include a seasonal
    > irrigation ditch close to the village, a spring more than a mile away
    > from the village, and a public well whose water most villagers
    > dislike. All three sources are subject to pollution at all times and
    > show contamination whenever tested. Of the three sources, the
    > irrigation ditch is the most commonly used. It is closer to most
    > homes, and the villagers like its taste.
    >
    > Although it is not feasible for the village to install a sanitary
    > water system, the incidence of typhoid and other water-home diseases
    > could be greatly reduced by boiling the water before it is consumed.
    > During her two-year campaign in Los Molinas, Nelida made several
    > visits to every home in the village but devoted especially intensive
    > efforts to twenty-one families. She visited each of these selected
    > families between fifteen and twenty-five times; eleven of these
    > families now boil their water regularly.
    >
    > What kinds of persons do these numbers represent? We describe three
    > village housewives--one who boils water to obey custom, one who was
    > persuaded to boil water by the health worker, and one of the many who
    > rejected the innovation--in order to add further insight into the
    > process of diffusion.
    >
    > Mrs. A: Custom-Oriented Adopter.
    >
    > Mrs. A is about forty and suffers from a sinus infection. The Los
    > Molinas villagers call her a "sickly one." Each morning, Mrs. A boils
    > a potful of water and uses it throughout the day. She has no
    > understanding of germ theory, as explained by Nelida; her motivation
    > for water boiling is a complex local custom of "hot" and "cold"
    > distinctions. The basic principle of this belief system is that all
    > foods, liquids, medicines, and other objects are inherently hot or
    > cold, quite apart from their actual temperature. In essence, hot-cold
    > distinctions serve as a series of avoidances and approaches in such
    > behavior as pregnancy, child-rearing, and the health-illness system.
    >
    > Boiled water and illness are closely linked in the norms of Los
    > Molinas; by custom, only the ill use cooked, or "hot" water. Once an
    > individual becomes ill, it is unthinkable to eat pork (very cold) or
    > drink brandy (very hot). Extremes of hot and cold must be avoided by
    > the sick; therefore, raw water, which is perceived to be very cold,
    > must he boiled to make it appropriate to consume.
    >
    > Villagers learn from early childhood to dislike boiled water. Most
    > can tolerate cooked water only if a flavoring, such as sugar,
    > cinnamon, lemon, or herbs, is added. Mrs. A likes a dash of cinnamon
    > in her drinking water. The village belief system involves no notion of
    > bacteriological contamination of water. By tradition, boiling is aimed
    > at eliminating the "cold" quality of unboiled water, not the harmful
    > bacteria. Mrs. A drinks boiled water in obedience to local norms,
    > because she perceives herself as ill.
    >
    > Mrs. B: Persuaded Adopter.
    >
    > The B family came to Los Molinas a generation ago, but they are still
    > strongly oriented toward their birthplace in the Andes Mountains.
    > Mrs. B worries about lowland diseases that she feels infest the
    > village. It is partly because of this anxiety that the change agent,
    > Nelida, was able to convince Mrs. B to boil water.
    >
    > Nelida is a friendly authority to Mrs. B (rather than a "dirt
    > inspector" as she is seen by other housewives), who imparts useful
    > knowledge and brings protection. Mrs. B not only boils water but also
    > has installed a latrine and has sent her youngest child to the health
    > center for a checkup.
    >
    > Mrs. B is marked as an outsider in the community of Los Molinas by her
    > highland hairdo and stumbling Spanish. She will never achieve more
    > than marginal social acceptance in the village. Because the community
    > is not an important reference group to her, Mrs. B deviates from
    > village norms on health innovations. With nothing to lose socially,
    > Mrs. B gains in personal security by heeding Nelida's advice. Mrs.
    > B's practice of boiling water has no effect on her marginal status.
    > She is grateful to Nelida for teaching her how to neutralize the
    > danger of contaminated water, which she perceives as a lowland peril.
    >
    > Mrs. C: Rejector.
    >
    > This housewife represents the majority of Los Molinas families who
    > were not persuaded by the efforts of the change agents during their
    > two-year water-boiling campaign. In spite of Nelida's repeated
    > explanations, Mrs. C does not understand germ theory. How, she
    > argues, can microbes survive in water that would drown people? Are
    > they fish? If germs are so small that they cannot be seen or felt,
    > how can they hurt a grown person? There are enough real threats in
    > the world to worry about--poverty and hunger-without bothering about
    > tiny animals one cannot see, hear, touch, or smell. Mrs. C's
    > allegiance to traditional village norms is at odds with the boiling of
    > water. A firm believer in the hot-cold superstition, she feels that
    > only the sick must drink boiled water.
    >
    > Why Did the Diffusion of Water Boiling Fail?
    >
    > This intensive two-year campaign by a public health worker in a
    > Peruvian village of 200 families, aimed at persuading housewives to
    > boil drinking water, was largely unsuccessful. Nelida was able to
    > encourage only about 5 percent of the population, eleven families, to
    > adopt the innovation. The diffusion campaign in Los Molinas failed
    > because of the cultural beliefs of the villagers. Local tradition
    > links hot foods with illness. Boiling water makes water less "cold"
    > and hence, appropriate only for the sick. But if a person is not ill,
    > the individual is prohibited by village norms from drinking boiled
    > water. Only individuals who are unintegrated into local networks risk
    > defying community norms on water boiling. An important factor
    > regarding the adoption rate of an innovation is its compatibility with
    > the values, beliefs, and past experiences of individuals in the social
    > system. Nelida and her superiors in the public health agency should
    > have understood the hot-cold belief system, as it is found throughout
    > Peru (and in most nations of Latin America, Africa, and Asia). Here
    > is an example of an indigenous knowledge system that caused the
    > failure of a development program.
    >
    > Nelida's failure demonstrates the importance of interpersonal networks
    > in the adoption and rejection of an innovation. Socially an outsider,
    > Mrs. B was marginal to the Los Molinas community, although she had
    > lived there for several years. Nelida was a more important referent
    > for Mrs. B than were her neighbors, who shunned her. Anxious to
    > secure social prestige from the higher-status Nelida, Mrs. B adopted
    > water boiling, not because she understood the correct health reasons,
    > but because she wanted to obtain Nelida's approval. Thus we see that
    > the diffusion of innovations is a social process, as well as a
    > technical matter.
    >
    > Nelida worked with the wrong housewives if she wanted to launch a
    > self-generating diffusion process in Los Molinas. She concentrated
    > her efforts on village women like Mrs. A and Mrs. B. Unfortunately,
    > they were perceived as a sickly one and a social outsider, and were
    > not respected as social models of appropriate water-boiling behavior
    > by the other women. The village opinion leaders, who could have
    > activated local networks to spread the innovation, were ignored by
    > Nelida.
    >
    > How potential adopters view the change agent affects their willingness
    > to adopt new ideas. In Los Molinas, Nelida was perceived differently
    > by lower- and middle-status housewives. Most poor families saw the
    > health worker as a "snooper sent to Los Molinas to ply for dirt and to
    > press already harassed housewives into keeping cleaner homes. Because
    > the lower-status house wives had less free time, they were unlikely to
    > talk with Nelida about water boiling. Their contacts outside the
    > community were limited, and as a result, they saw the technically
    > proficient Nelida with eyes bound by the social horizons and
    > traditional beliefs of Los Molinas. They distrusted this outsider,
    > whom they perceived as a social stranger. Nelida, who was middle
    > class by Los Molinas standards, was able to secure more positive
    > results from housewives whose socioeconomic level and cultural
    > background were more similar to hers. This tendency for more
    > effective communication to occur with those who are more similar to a
    > change agent occurs in most diffusion campaigns.
    >
    > Nelida was too "innovation-oriented" and not "client-oriented" enough.
    > Unable to put herself in the role of the village housewives, her
    > attempts at persuasion failed to reach her clients because the message
    > was not suited to their needs. Nelida did not begin where the
    > villagers were; instead she talked to them about germ theory, which
    > they could not (and probably did not need to) understand. These are
    > only some of the factors that produced the diffusion failure in Los
    > Molinas. Once the remainder of the book has been read, it will be
    > easier to understand the water-boiling case.
    >
    > This case illustration is based on Wellin (1955).
    >
    >
    >
    >
    > ===============================================================
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    > see: http://www.cpm.mmu.ac.uk/jom-emit
    >
    >

    ===============================================================
    This was distributed via the memetics list associated with the
    Journal of Memetics - Evolutionary Models of Information Transmission
    For information about the journal and the list (e.g. unsubscribing)
    see: http://www.cpm.mmu.ac.uk/jom-emit



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