Computational Simulation as Theoretical Experiment
CPM Report No.: 03-106
By: Bruce Edmonds and David Hales
Date: 12th Jan 2003.
Published as:
Edmonds, B. and Hales, D. (2005)
Computational Simulation as Theoretical Experiment, Journal of Mathematical
Sociology 29(3):209-232.
Introduction
Formal models have long been used to inform sociological thought.
In
the past many of these models have often used the language of
mathematics.
In essence, sets of variables are related to each other via a system of
equations,
the values of the variables are interpreted in terms of the intensity
or
amount of a social phenomenon. In sociology such equations have not
been
taken in a positivist sense to directly reflect real social intensities
or
quantities, and the fundamental difficulties of attempting this have
been
repeatedly pointed out. Sometimes such systems of equations have
closed-form
solutions but when this is not feasible their results are
simulated.
However such models have, on the whole, been used as an analogy that
can
be used to illuminate or illustrate ideas expressed in the richer
medium
of natural language. The model only plays a supporting role to
the
main argument. In many cases if a paper that uses such a model
were
re-written without it, the conclusions would not greatly differ.
This
is also why the use of analytic solutions (as opposed to numerical
simulations)
is not greatly important to their use.
Recently a new kind of formal model is being increasingly used: that of
the
computational model. This is a model where 'crisp' qualities are
modified
in a precise way by the action of specified algorithms. Of
course,
this is not very new - back in 1969 Thomas Schelling used a simple
cellular
automata model to demonstrate that even low levels of preference for
neighbours
of similar race or culture could result in emergent segregation.
This
model resembled a board game with black and white counters being moved
around
a chequerboard according to fixed rules and throws of a die.
This second type of model has been greatly facilitated (some would say
empowered)
by the development of the computer. The computer allows such
computational
models to be easily built and animated in a fluid and interactive
manner.
Thus it allows for such models to be explored and played with in a way
that
previously would have only been possible for skilled
mathematicians.
The computer has also made it possible to construct and use much more
complicated
simulations. This has made possible a type of simulation where
individuals
are separately represented by parts of the model. Each of these
parts
has its own states and can have its own algorithm - the states of these
parts
can be used to stand for the states of social actors and the messages
passed
between the parts of the program to represent the interaction between
actors.
If the computation of these parts can be interpreted in cognitive terms
these
parts are often called 'agents'. Thus we have a style of
computational
model called agent-based social simulation.
Agent-based social simulation can thus been seen as a move to a more
transparent
and accessible style of modelling. The relation between the model
and
what it stands for does not require mathematical 'averaging' techniques
(as
in statistics) but can be very direct: one agent in the model stands
for
one actor; one message passed from one agent to another in the model
stands
for one communication or action; on change in the state of the agent
stands
for one change in the state of the actor; and so on. This, more
direct
style of representation in the model makes it far more readily
comprehensible.
The transparency and interactive nature of such models endow them with
a
persuasiveness that 'cold' analytic models do not have. This has
both
advantages and disadvantages. On one hand they are more amenable to
criticism
in both detailed and general terms, but on the other hand they can be
seductively
misleading. In particular, it is often unclear with simulation
models,
how wide their scope is. That is, it is impossible to tell from a
small
set of simulation results whether these results are particular or are
more
widely applicable, even when the algorithm of the simulation is
completely
specified.
We argue that a simulation should be seen as a formal model of
intermediate
generality, but one which needs to be treated not as an analytic model
but
more like a partly understood phenomena. The simulation does
encode
a theory which, along with an interpretation can be used to represent
some
aspects of social phenomena. However the nature of this theory is
one
that is only accessible via the experimentation of running the
simulation.
Thus to use a simulation as a model of observed phenomena one also
needs
a theory of how the simulation works.
One consequence of the fact that simulations (as used in sociology) are
necessarily
experimental objects is that, like other experiments, they need to be
replicated
before they can start to be trusted. In this paper we replicate
two
simulations, and use these replications to start to map out how far
their
scope extends whilst retaining consistency with their original
interpretation.
The two simulations are Schelling's model of racial segregation
(Schelling
1969) and Takahashi's model of generalised exchange (Takahashi 2000).
Finally
we present a new model of generalised exchange that is a modification
of
Takahashi’s incorporating recently discovered novel “tag” mechanisms
(Hales
2000, Riolo 2001). We also map the scope of this model and compare it
with
Takahashi’s original model. In this latter section we demonstrate how
results
from different models can be combined into hybrids that throw new light
onto
on-going debates.
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